Somalia: the status quo prevails, but the need for more support remains
A "violent stalemate" continues to prevail in Somalia with reports of further attacks against AMISOM in Mogadishu at the end of the week, though the latest round of fighting has not fundamentally altered the status quo on the ground. Both elements of the extremist opposition, Al-Shabaab, and Hizbul Islam which has been weakened by its loss of Kismayo to Al-Shabaab, continue to pursue their efforts to overthrow the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) through violent means. Their pronouncements and actions are indistinguishable. Both share the same ideological veneer and the same objective of spreading terror in Somalia and beyond. As we have previously noted, the violent fall-out between Al-Shabaab and Hizbul Islam over the control of Kismayo and its resources cannot be construed as the result of any differences in ideology or over the methods to be deployed to advance their objective. It is no more than a dispute over control of the resources available in Kismayo. It would be a misguided and dangerous assumption to suggest that this indicates any political accommodation might be possible with Hizbul Islam. The connection of the leaders of Hizbul Islam, in particular Sheikh Hassan Dahir 'Aweys' and Sheikh Hassan 'Turki', to the Al Qaeda network is well established. Their unashamed use of violence against both civilians and AMISOM is well known. The latest suicide car attacks against AMISOM in September, which resulted in the deaths of 21 peacekeepers, may have been carried out by Al-Shabaab but it was immediately supported and praised by Hizbul Islam and by Sheikh 'Aweys', who promptly called for more of the same.
This is why the current requirement for the international community is to provide the necessary support to the TFG, to take decisive action against those attempting 'spoiling' tactics and their backers, notably Eritrea, and to refrain from engaging in misguided, and ultimately dangerous, overtures towards these hardened terrorists. The need to provide more support to the TFG was recognised this week by the UN Under-Secretary General for Political Affairs, Lynn Pascoe, in a news conference given this week in New York following his return from a visit to the region. Mr. Pascoe said that in the months ahead he would be asking for more money and assistance which, he said, the TFG clearly needed to provide both security and social services. He also indicated that without aid and the assistance for real development it would be hard for the TFG to demonstrate its activity. However, he said the situation was certainly encouraging compared to assumptions only a few months earlier when everyone was making dire predictions about the immediate fall of the TFG. "The fact is that the strategy is in place and it is moving forward; you can see the direction we're heading and that is somewhat encouraging". The Under Secretary General might be a little bit over optimistic given the lack of sufficient and effective response by the international community to the treat posed by the extremist groups.
Of course in principle Mr. Pascoe's statements reiterate what we have repeated time and again here in the Week in the Horn. Al-Shabaab and Hizbul Islam do not have popular support on the ground. They only appear strong because the international community has failed to provide the necessary support to the TFG and because it is not moving fast enough over the necessary decisive action against the 'spoilers' in Somalia, and their backers. The way forward to establish a lasting peace in Somalia is very clear. The international community must step up its efforts to provide support and assistance to the TFG. It should at the same time, in line with the decisions of the AU and IGAD, take action against all those attempting to overthrow the TFG and their international backers, especially those in the region.
The dangers implicit in the failure to act has now been underlined by the further threats from Al-Shabaab and Hizbul Islam. Hizbul Islam has threatened further attacks on AMISOM forces in Mogadishu. Al-Shabaab has said it will extend its terrorist activities outside Somalia. Al-Shabaab, which has admitted links with Al Qaeda, has now said it will launch attacks in Kampala and Bujumbura. Uganda and Burundi each have some 2,500 peacekeepers in the AU's AMISOM force in Mogadishu. Al-Shabaab has also threatened to attack Kenya and Djibouti following their offer of training to TFG soldiers and police.
Meanwhile, TFG Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid Sharmarke has been in London this week where he met the UK's Foreign Secretary, David Miliband, and spoke at the Royal Institute of International Affairs at Chatham House. The Foreign Secretary reaffirmed the UK's commitment to the TFG's efforts to bring peace and stability to Somalia, and welcomed the Prime Minister's focus on the political process, on reconciliation and on recovery. He emphasized that instability in Somalia was a threat to regional peace and security. Speaking at Chatham House the following day, Prime Minister Sharmarke made clear that Al-Shabaab was a threat to the peace and stability in Somalia, but it was not invincible even though it was strong and was linked to Al Qaeda. Al Qaeda was, he said, in Somalia training and planning for Al-Shabaab. It was an ideal place for it to regroup and redeploy. "A radical insurgency with links to Al Qaeda is presenting a real threat to the state of Somalia and they are starting to spread regionally in the Horn of Africa". He compared Al-Shabaab to the Taliban and in answering questions identified Eritrea as a major supporter of Al-Shabaab. He stresses that insurgency needed chaos, discontent and poverty, adding "we must take that away". Prime Minister Sharmake said that commerce and reconstruction could lead people out of extremism, and that a healthy fishing industry could similarly take people away from piracy, adding that dealing with piracy also required the international community to stop illegal fishing of the Somali coasts. Above all, he emphasized, it was important for the international community to take action: "the time to act is now. Each day we do nothing, the insurgency grows stronger".
Somaliland: a beacon of hope
There was more positive news coming out of Somaliland this week. It is to be recalled that a short while ago, the political situation in Somaliland was a source of great concern. There was a real possibility for Somaliland to loose the stability and peace that it has managed to maintain for the last decade and a half. These would have been tragic and unfortunate and out of character for Somaliland political elites. It is to be recalled also that previously Somaliland politicians had demonstrated great wisdom and skill to avoid political crisis. For instance, the last Presidential election which was won by President Riyale could easily have led to serious conflict between the major political parities. Because the margin of victory by the ruling party was only 80 voles. Nonetheless this did not lead to violence or political instability in Somaliland. This time in the run-up to the next presidential contest, sharp disagreements emerged between the ruling party and the two opposition parties, in particular over matters surrounding the system of voter registration and the extension of the presidential term until election is held. After protracted negotiations, and with the support of Ethiopia and the United Kingdom both of which sent delegations to Hargeisa, the three parties finally signed an agreement resolving most of the outstanding issue. Now they have also managed to nominate new members to the electoral commission and this have been approved by the parliament. This paves the way for the holding of successful elections shortly. This latest development can be seen as a demonstration of the common sense of Somaliland's political class, showing their willingness to put the interests of Somaliland first. It also underlines the value of addressing any problem that may arise through dialogue and discussion. The point was emphasized by the fact that yesterday (October 29, 2009) was the anniversary of the three Al-Shabaab suicide car bombs which exploded in Hargeisa a year ago, leaving 24 dead and over 30 injured at the UNDP office, the Ethiopian Trade Office and the Presidential Palace.
Eritrea "exports chaos" says Djibouti; the Security Council is yet to act
Djibouti has once more expressed its concern over the activities of Eritrea along their common border. Djibouti's Foreign Minister, Mahmoud Ali Youssef, was in Cairo this week meeting the Secretary-General of the Arab League, Amr Moussa. Their discussions focused on Eritrea's threat to Djibouti territory, and on developments in Somalia and Yemen. Foreign Minister Mahmoud said that Eritrea was exporting chaos, adding: "Exporting chaos has become routine in Eritrea." Referring to a recent upsurge in claims by exiled Djibouti opposition he said "Eritrea has started training militias and arming them to carry out sabotage in Djibouti, just as [it supports] elements in the Ogaden region of Ethiopia". Foreign Minister Mahmoud also noted that Eritrea is supporting Al-Shabaab extremists in Somalia.
Djibouti is not alone in being concerned by the failure of the UN to take action to resolve the situation along the Djibouti/Eritrean border, or over Eritrea's activities. Indeed, Africa is still waiting for the Security Council to take the action promised by Resolution 1862 or to respond to the requests by IGAD and the AU for action over Eritrea's well-known "spoiling" activities in Somalia. Eritrea has consistently ignored UN Security Council resolution 1862 in January this year demanding the immediate withdrawal of Eritrean forces from Djibouti territory. It has repeatedly refused or rebuffed all efforts at mediation or investigation as Djibouti's Permanent Representative to the UN recently reminded the Security Council. Eritrea has even claimed it has no crisis with Djibouti, no troops across the border and that the whole issue had been fabricated by the CIA. Not surprisingly, Djibouti's Ambassador Roble Olhaye has described Eritrean statements as "hogwash".
Eritrea has taken a similar position over Somalia continuing to ignore any UN or AU criticisms of its support for Al-Shabaab. President Issayas' position was made clear in a press statement in July: "In regard to Eritrea's political position on Somalia, Eritrea has been criticized for not falling into line with the "international consensus". But Eritrea has a right to hold an independent position, even a dissenting one." He has extended this by actively working to sabotage the international community's consensus on Somalia, and in a recent interview with Reuters President Issayas not only denied any Eritrean responsibility for events in Somalia, he even tried to blame Djibouti, Kenya and Ethiopia for fanning the chaos in Somalia. This is despite the fact he is the only person who has provided open support for the extremist opposition forces in Somalia.
This week in an interview with a US media outlet, President Issayas again defended Eritrea's foreign policy as a policy "anchored on mutual respect", adding that those who portrayed Eritrea as isolated from the international community were those who were despised by the world public. In the same interview he said the current drought and famine in East Africa, especially in Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya, was the outcome of aid dependency. Eritrea, he said, was unconcerned by what he called the "distorted statistical data" disseminated by the UN and UN agencies, claiming that Eritrea was also suffering from serious food shortages. Asked about allegations that Eritrea did not respect religious freedom, President Issayas said there was a clear distinction between religion and religious-based politics, accusing various "new groups" of having a political and security agenda going beyond religion and belief.
Of course, this is the rationale for the appeal made by IGAD and by the AU Summit at Sirte, Lybia, to the Security Council to impose sanction on Eritrea. This is yet to be carried out; it is in fact not clear whether the council would take such an action which is so critical for peace and stability, not only in Somalia but also in the entire Horn of Africa region. There are apparently some who are inclined to confuse the issue with respect to the danger that Eritrea's behaviors represents to the Horn of Africa. This sometimes takes the form of trying to seek ways of appeasing Eritrea by introducing issues that are totally irrelevant when matters pertaining to the sanction issue are discussed. One hopes that such unhelpful initiatives would be put aside and the legitimate request to the Security Council by IGAD and the AU would be carried out. Eritrea at present does not have specific problems with specific countries. Its problems are virtually with all countries of the region. Proving the fact that Eritrea appears to believe its interest lies in encouraging disorder and chaos. The only way Eritrea might be encouraged to behave in conformity with civilized behavior is when it is confronted with the reality that the consequences of misbehavior are costly.
In the meantime, an IGAD Ministerial Meeting to discuss Sudan's Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), and more specifically intending to look at ways and means to strengthen mutual confidence between the two parties, the National Congress Party and the SPLM, was rescheduled for mid November to take place on the fringes of an IGAD meeting in Djibouti.
African Union Peace and Security Council held a Summit meeting in Abuja, Nigeria
The Peace and Security Council of the African Union held its 207th meeting at the level of Heads of State and Government level, in Abuja, Nigeria on 29 October 2009. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi led the Ethiopian delegation to the Summit.
The main agenda of the Council was consideration of the Report of the African Union High-Level Panel on Darfur (AUPD). The Summit was held under the Chairmanship of Mr. Umaru Yar'aduwa, current Chairperson of the Peace and Security Council and President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Former President of South Africa, Mr. Thabo Mbeki, Chairperson of the AUPD, introduced the report of the Panel, entitled, " Darfur: the Quest for Peace, Justice and Reconciliation". It is to be recalled that the Peace and Security Council, in its 142nd meeting, held on 21 July 2008, had requested the Chairperson of the African Union Commission to establish an independent High Level Panel to examine the situation in Darfur in depth and submit recommendations to Council on how best the issue of accountability and combating impunity, on the one hand, and reconciliation and healing, on the other, could be effectively and comprehensively addressed, including through the establishment of truth and/or reconciliation Commissions with the active involvement of the African Union and its relevant institutions and, as necessary, the support of the larger international community.
In his introductory statement Mr. Mbeki highlighted the numerous consultations held with all stakeholders, points where there is agreement by all stakeholders, the salient features of the recommendation of the report and follow-up and implementation mechanism.
During the debate following the introduction of the report, Council members expressed their appreciation over the quality of the report. It was highlighted that the report presented a comprehensive solution to the "crisis of the Sudan as manifested in Darfur". In particular, its integrated approach in addressing peace, justice and reconciliation in Darfur as a way to bringing sustainable peace and development, was highly commended. Council stressed that the Panel's methodology of broad consultation with all stakeholders, in the field, over an extended period of time and its clear definition of the problem made the Panel's report exemplary and worth emulating in addressing other conflict situations in the Continent. It was also underscored that the Report will serve as a guide for engagements that Africa will have undertake with the international community in dealing with the situation in Darfur.
It is in light of this, that the Council, in its Communique, endorsed the report and its recommendations. The Council, congratulated the Chairperson of the AUPD and the other members of the Panel. It also expressed appreciation for the cooperation extended to the Panel by the Government of the Sudan, opposition political parties, armed opposition movements, IDPs, pastoralists and the Darfurian civil society, and other Sudanese parties, as well as international stakeholders.
The Council reaffirmed the commitment of the AU to combat impunity, in line with the relevant provisions of the AU Constitutive Act, and strongly condemnd the violations of human rights in Darfur. At the same time, Council urged, once again, the UN Security Council to heed the AU's call for the deferral of the process initiated by the International Criminal Court against President Omar Hassan Al Bashir, in the interest of peace, justice and reconciliation.
The Council also stressed the need to create inclusive and conducive conditions for the successful holding in Darfur, as well as in the rest of the country, of the April 2010 national elections provided for by the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, and to ensure that Darfur fully participates in the national debate arising from the 2011 self-determination referendum in Southern Sudan.
Furthermore, the Council expressed its conviction that the achievement of lasting peace and reconciliation in Darfur requires that the Sudanese stakeholders take full ownership of the process and that, given the necessary support, the people of Sudan will be able to bring to an end the conflict in Darfur in an inclusive, peaceful and expeditious manner. Taking this fact into account, the Council stressed that the international community needs to play a supportive role, based on a proper understanding of the causes and consequences of the conflict in Darfur.
The Council requested the Chairperson of the Commission to immediately take the necessary steps to enhance its capacity to support the implementation of the recommendations of the AUPD, including the establishment of an appropriate unit within the AU.
The Council also requested the Chairperson of the Commission to establish an AU High Level Implementation Panel (AUHIP), comprising of former Presidents Thabo Mbeki, Pierre Buyoya, and General Abdusalamli Abubakar, to assist in the implementation of all aspects of the AUPD recommendations, as well as to assist the Sudanese parties in the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.
The Council further requested the Chairperson of the Commission to submit quarterly reports on the implementation of the AUPD recommendations, and requested all AU Member States and partners to support fully the implementation of the recommendations of the AUPD.
An AU Special Summit on Refugees, Returnees and Internally Displaced Persons
The African Union Heads of State and Government held a Special Summit on Tuesday last week, October 20th, in Kampala. The subject was refugees, returnees and internally displaced persons and the theme of the Summit was "African Union Addressing the Challenge of Forced Displacement in Africa". The Summit was preceded by an Extraordinary Session of the Executive Council (composed of the AU Ministers of Foreign Affairs) which met on the previous day. Africa hosts the largest number of refugees and internally displaced persons in the world and according to UN figures there are over 10 million internally displaced people in East and Central Africa. There was considerable anticipation about the results of the Special Summit, and it was indeed, by all accounts, a resounding success. It was crowned by the adoption of the landmark, first ever, Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa.
The Special Summit was a culmination of a long process, preceded by the holding of various meetings of experts and ministers in charge of the issue of forced displacement. The ministers met in Addis Ababa in November last year and recommended the adoption of a Declaration on Refugees, Returnees and Internally Displaced Persons and the adoption of a ground-breaking Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa. The Declaration outlines the root causes of forced displacement, that is conflict and poverty, and reiterates the commitment of Member States to work with all relevant stakeholders to prevent forced displacement and if and when displacement occurs, to provide effective protection and assistance to victims of forced displacement.
A very significant element of the Convention is that climate-change migrants are given recognition for the first time. This is particularly important as overall the numbers of people displaced by conflict appears to be falling while those affected by climate is rising fast. The International Organization for Migration believes that most of the 200 million migrants it expects to result from climate change will be found in Africa. The UN has also said that as many as 700,000 people in Africa may have been displaced by climate change last year.
The Convention provides legally binding obligations on states. They have the primary responsibility to prevent internal forced displacement and to ensure effective protection and assistance to victims of forced displacement. In addition, the Convention imposes on non-State actors the obligation to protect and assist internally displaced persons in situations of armed conflicts. It also enumerates the obligations of international organizations and humanitarian agencies. These must discharge their tasks in conformity with international law and the laws of the country in which they operate.
During the debate on the Convention, some countries suggested that providing for the obligations of armed groups was tantamount to recognizing such organizations or giving them legal status. Indeed, Article 7 of the Convention was re-drafted in order to alleviate any fears in this respect and make sure the objectives of the Convention could not, in any way whatever, be construed as affording legal status, legitimization or recognition of armed groups.
At the conclusion of the Special Summit, the opportunity was given to member states to sign the Convention immediately. Seventeen, including Ethiopia, did so, a testimony to the impressive progress the African Union is making in collectively addressing the continent's most important issues. Ethiopia has made it clear it will make every effort to ensure effective implementation of the Convention and its provisions in domestic law. To become a binding document, the Convention now has to be ratified by fifteen of the AU's 53 member states. As the AU's Commissioner for Political Affairs noted the most important next step was implementation: "we need to move from intention to action".
The International Conference of Ethiopian Studies starts on Monday
The Seventeenth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies (ICES) opens in Addis Ababa on Monday, November 2nd. It is the Golden Jubilee of the ICES – the first conference was held in Rome in 1959 when a mere thirty three scholars presented papers. Since then conferences have been held in countries all round the world, including the United Kingdom, France, Sweden, Russia, the United States, Israel, Japan and Norway. Ethiopia previously hosted the third, eighth, eleventh and fourteenth meetings at the Addis Ababa University. This year's conference is being held at the University's Akaki campus just outside Addis Ababa. Numbers of those attending now run into hundreds, a majority of them Ethiopians. The number of institutions involved, the areas studied, and the involvement of different disciplines have shown equal growth. The conference is now the main regular meeting place for Ethiopian scholarship, providing an invaluable forum for young scholars to report their progress, to meet scholars from around the world, and to network.
ICES meetings always demonstrate an impressive diversity in their scope and scholarship. At one level they are intended to provide research workers with the opportunity to take stock of developments across the whole field of Ethiopian scholarship: in the humanities, in art, literature, philosophy and religion, in history, archaeology, linguistics and philology, political science, economics, international relations, anthropology and sociology, in education, human resources, gender, the environment and development, and food and production systems. On another level, they outline the directions in which research and scholarship in Ethiopian studies are moving.
There have been parallel advances in the development of the Institute of Ethiopian Studies at Addis Ababa University. Set up four years after the first ICES, it has become a major centre for research and is one of the most highly respected institutions in Africa. It has a major collection of manuscripts, an impressive microfilm library, a photographic archive, art galleries and an ethnographic museum. It has almost been too successful as it now needs new premises. The Society of Friends of the Institute has launched an initiative to build a new library which would also provide for an enlarged museum and help preserve Ethiopia's unique and impressive cultural heritage, for the people of Ethiopia and for Africa. Foreign Minister Seyoum is scheduled to deliver the opening speech for the conference on Monday.
A narration of Ethiopia's performance: parameters and objectives
In the last few months there have been an unusual flood of reports and assessments covering Ethiopia's performance in different fields. Some of these have been global reports that normally just cover Ethiopia as one of a number of countries included in that particular area. Others are more specific to Ethiopia and may relate to a particular subject. In some cases they have been compounded by concern over the effects of drought on food security and have emphasized the coincidence of the 25th anniversary of the appalling famine of 1984. Ethiopian institutions, governmental and non-governmental alike, have also produced reports and assessments covering various subjects. The overwhelming majority of these are necessary to take stock of developments in the period under review and help in planning future actions. Some indeed are directly submitted to the House of Peoples' Representatives which has an oversight function of government to ensure accountability of the executive organs of government. It is a job the House of Peoples' Representatives take very seriously.
The Government itself relies on such periodic, objective and transparent reports to measure performance in all fields of public activity. Additional targeted assessments are also produced by other mandated bodies. The Constitution, of course, is the main parameter of achievement for all involved bodies, but there are also policy instruments with specific measurable targets and objectives, laws at local and national level, various different criteria and measurements factored into plans and budgetary allocations. Extensive internal and public discussions are held in each and every sector to measure progress made and review the challenges encountered. Published documents of these assessments provide a more accurate account of development. There have at times been problems in the reporting and, inevitably, variations on estimated results in economic and other areas arising from external shocks or other unforeseen events, but these do not detract from the usefulness or the overall credibility of these national assessments.
The constant reporting and public accountability now taking place in Ethiopia in every aspect of Government performance is unprecedented in the history of the country. Discussions in neighbourhood associations and in public institutions are now conducted without inhibition or self-censorship. The level of open scrutiny and critical evaluation of Government measures compares very favourably with many countries which pride themselves on the maturity of their political system and openness of their society. It's a process of transparent and objective evaluation which has set in motion an irreversible transformation of public institutions into accountable and accessible centres of public service. The ongoing effort to enhance the capacity of public bodies and re-engineer their work processes, ranging from top management down to rank and file employees, the re-structuring efforts and the ongoing changes in the overall ethos of public service has already shown immense potential in radically improving the quality of service delivery in key institutions, and in their planning and reporting activities.
One notable effect of these assessments and the continued work to improve the performance of Government bodies has been the enhancement of the accuracy of reporting on developments in Ethiopia. The aim is to produce an objective narrative as part and parcel of the developmental effort. Ethiopia has been putting in place institutions and mechanisms capable of undertaking scientific forecasts, effective planning, performance evaluation and measures of adaptation, self-correction and implementation. As a developing country there is certainly much room for continued improvement in all these areas. It's all being assisted by the numerous non-governmental bodies involved in similar complimentary activities. Most non-governmental actors, humanitarian and developmental entities, think-tanks, research centres and professional associations normally produce reports that relate to their specific interests. These are useful as inputs in the overall national efforts. At the same time, such reporting processes can easily be hijacked by third parties with an aim of advancing specific narrow political objectives. Similarly, media outlets provide accounts of developments, and they can be an important source of facts and objective analysis. Equally, it is not uncommon to see some outlets apparently bent on undermining the Government, using, and abusing, the writings of well-known researchers just to try to give their attacks some credibility. It's nothing to do with any contribution to the national discourse, but is intended merely to publicise narrow and short-sighted political statements. Less sophisticated efforts include virulent attacks based on hearsay and non-existent anonymous witnesses. None inspire confidence.
As with most developing countries, Ethiopia also gets covered extensively by reports issued from regional and international bodies. These are developed according to the voluntary requirements of member countries or as part of agreed overall trend assessments. Among these mechanisms, one particularly worth mentioning is the African Peer Review System (ARPS). This is the flagship program of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) with the clear objective of fostering political stability, high economic growth, sustainable development and accelerated regional integration of Africa. It uses a process of voluntary national self assessment and regional assessment to gauge the performance of participating countries in establishing democracy and good governance. It's a process that guarantees national involvement and a more balanced and objective regional assessment. The yardstick of measurement is the Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance and the various international and regional instruments adhered to by the country. These provide an objective basis for the assessment. It may be possible to improve such a participatory process but the objective is already unambiguous: to assist the country under review in undertaking an objective self-evaluation, to conduct a frank peer discussion to identify weaknesses that require improvements and capacity building. The APRS is, of course, a sui generis system that would be hard to duplicate in other areas, but its merits are certainly transferable to other systems. This is not to minimize the credibility of other systems that rely on certain specific indicators to arrive at their conclusions but merely to note that others might benefit from clarity about the objective of such reports.
It must be said that some reports specifically referring to Ethiopia, or which mention Ethiopia as one of the countries under review, have been found wanting. Ethiopian Government sources have often tried to draw attention to these shortcomings, identifying errors of fact and in figures dealing with human rights, economic growth, the need for food aid, statistics on education, health care or other areas. The Government has frequently made the point that reportage on Ethiopia would benefit from reports produced by government bodies in their own assessments. These would at least provide some clarity and accuracy of factual information and help avoid the most egregious errors. Many indeed, including international and regional financial and development organizations, have used government sources to produce a more balanced text or even accurate criticism of government policies.
Some such bodies, however, have arrogated to themselves the right to condemn Governments even though their own work is based on flawed analysis and biased reporting. Others, busy portraying doomsday scenarios, even deserve perhaps to be called 'conflict entrepreneurs'. It's not uncommon to ridicule reports prepared by government bodies no matter how useful they might be. Responses from Ethiopian Government sources, including The Week in the Horn, are characterized as 'angry responses' or 'defensive replies'. In fact, the Government's interest is to correct mistakes, intentional or otherwise, to tarnish Ethiopia's image or project unbalanced and biased account from whatever source. Government source material is, of course, a valuable, indeed a necessary, source of information. By any standards it is quite clear that any analysis will be more effective if evaluation of government material is included. Without it, any reports remain fundamentally flawed and, in practical terms, irrelevant. Certainly, we must admit, in the long term, the onus is also on Ethiopia to disseminate periodic reports more widely and make sure that relevant assessments are made available. This is not always an easy process even though presenting credible and objective reports has much to do with sustaining the country's ongoing progress. It requires successfully resisting efforts to derail its progress and advancement but it also involves the process of changing perceptions of the narrative of Ethiopia's future. In fact, Ethiopia is on the move in many open and transparent ways, and most importantly these cannot be hidden from the public. They are the ultimate judge of failure or of progress.
